You probably have not heard of Heidi Beirich. But, chances are, she has heard of you.
So, who is she?
In 2016, Heidi Beirich was somewhat of a political commissar, drawing a comfortable annual salary of $150,000 (according to IRS filing, plus a further $21,000 in fringe benefits) from the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC). More recently, the organization gave Beirich the ax, ending her 22-year career there.
Perhaps, unmarried and barren at 52 years of age, Beirich will now quietly attempt to write a book and slip into an early retirement - alone. But perhaps Beirich is also thinking about her life, career, and the overall situation in California. You see, Beirich spent nearly half her life in the state, including her childhood and adolescent years, and once let on that her experiences there shaped her political coming-of-age. But the California she remembers has long since evaporated - and, at least while she was in the driver's seat at the SPLC, that has partly been her own doing.
What were Heidi's motivations in her complicity? And why did she join the SPLC in the first place? The following looks for answers, examining Beirich's background, including her rise and fall at the organization, and attempts to draw a clearer picture of Beirich as a living, breathing relic of an era - and perhaps as a liar. The examination is broken into six parts.
I. Introduction:
To date, very little has been said about Heidi Beirich or her background, in spite of her high position of influence. The Center for Immigration Studies did a profile on her in 2018, but nothing was said about Beirich's family origins or upbringing.
II. Parents:
Heidi's father was Russell Beirich (1933-2013), a man of ethnic German, Catholic origin who was raised in Kansas and Denver. He graduated from Regis Jesuit High School, Denver, in 1951; two of his four grandparents, and all eight of his great-grandparents, were born in Germany, and emigrated to the American Midwest in the late 19th century; Russell’s father was listed on the 1930 census as a clerk at a wholesale grocery store in Colby, Kansas. (Interestingly, the town accounts for most of the 97% white Thomas County, which went 81-13 for Trump instead of Hillary in 2016, the best Republican result there, ever).
Heidi’s mother Evelyn, born Paschmann, was a native of Kaldenhausen, Germany (Ruhr area). Kaldenhausen (now merged into the Rumeln-Kaldenhausen district of Duisburg) may have historically been as high as 75-25 Protestant-Catholic (per 1861 census), with a historically-stronger Calvinist tradition than most of Germany. Evelyn’s hometown was down to 55-45 Protestant-Catholic by the mid-20th century, presumably due to Polish and other labor migration to the ‘Ruhrpott’ that had occurred since (later, we will touch on how her hometown voted in the 2017 German national election).
III. Basic biographical timeline (you will see why later):
1961: Heidi’s parents marry, after having “met on a train in Belgium while [her father] was serving in the U.S. Army” and set up their married life in Palm Springs, Riverside, California, where they lived thereafter for twenty years, before moving to San Diego;
1967Heidi was born in July in Palm Springs, California (younger brother follows, b.1971); Heidi’s father was working at an accounting firm at this time, eventually becoming Senior Partner, and was active in local politics in the 1970s until (apparently) moving south to San Diego about 1982;
1981-82 academic year: As a freshman at Palm Springs High School, Heidi wins the “ninth grade departmental prize for excellence in social studies” (Desert Sun, 3 July 1982), an early indication of what was to come; the family moves to Vista, San Diego County, probably right after Heidi completed ninth grade in Palm Springs;
1985: Heidi graduates from Vista High School, San Diego, California;
1989: Heidi graduates with BA, Berkeley, Developmental Studies;
1991: Heidi graduates with MA, University of California at Riverside, Economics;
1998: Heidi graduates with PhD, Purdue University, Political Science, after having written a dissertation that dealt with “white nationalism and neo-fascism.” In a 2017 ABC interview, the interviewer calls the degree a “PhD in Fascism”;
1999: Heidi starts at the SPLC as an intern for the Intelligence Report, full control of which she inherited in Jan. 2012;
2000s and 2010s: Heidi is frequently at work behind the scenes attempting to ‘deplatform’ political opponents and/or get them fired, etc. Heidi Beirich thus transitions into a kind of political commissar, the kind of position the government cannot directly set up but to which it can effectively outsource; in her ‘commissar’ capacity she begins to frequently appear quoted in the media attacking conservatives, immigration restrictionists, Christian patriots, all kinds of nationalists (if they are white), and other right-winger oppositionists, enjoying defacto support for her activities from the state;
2008: Heidi publishes the book Neo-Confederacy: A Critical Introduction (as editor and author of several chapters);
2010s: Having risen in the SPLC ranks, Heidi begins to draw a highly comfortable salary of $150,000 (in fiscal 2016; according to IRS filing) with a further $21,000-worth of fringe benefits. This is more than fellow commissar Mark Potok ($138,000), but much less than Morris Dees ($358,000) had been making and even Richard Cohen ($351,000);
2019: Fired from the SPLC under unclear circumstances. Unmarried, no children, age 52.
IV. Heidi's account of her childhood in Southern California (spoiler - it's American History X-tier)
By the 1990s, Beirich emerges as a left-wing crusader against right-wing politics, against (what she might call) Christian fascism, and definitely against any sort of white racialist- or nationalist sympathies in any form.
Here is Beirich in her own words, during an ABC News interview for a program called “Uncomfortable,” May 16, 2017 (The interviewer is Amna Nawaz, of Pakistani origin):
I’ve transcribed the relevant portion of the interview (1:30-3:15):
She tells the interviewer, “[W]hen I was in high school, this lawsuit was going on,” referring to the SPLC’s lawsuit over the murder of an Ethiopian immigrant. She may be misremembering this, or is confusing it with something else, because the murder she references happened in November 1988, by which time Heidi (b.1967) was in her final academic year at Berkeley. The SPLC then filed the suit against Metzger in November 1989 (the day before Thanksgiving, in fact), and the trial started (and ended) in October 1990. At that time, Beirich was a year away from graduating with her MA in Riverside, California, so she could not have been a high school student. In fact, Beirich graduated from high school nearly five years earlier, in June 1985, so the story does not check out.
It is worth noting that, as Beirich mixes up her own political-awakening timeline, she becomes, in the anecdote, a frightened teenager and thus sympathetic, rather than the early-mid 20s grown woman that she was - a graduate of an elite college, and then-enrolled in a Master’s program. This was either a case of misremembering, or a deliberate attempt to ‘retcon’ the story, with the hope that no one checks on the specifics. Or a mix of both.
I would also highlight the fact that Beirich had decided, by about early 1989, to pursue an MA in Economics; we see from this choice (and to a lesser extent also in her choice of undergraduate major, Developmental Studies) that she was, for quite some time, very much conflicted on what she wanted to do: should she follow in her accountant father’s footsteps and be an empty-suit businesswoman with a desk job? There is no set lifetime political-activist trajectory until long after 1990, which was long after high school and the trial she mentions as her key point of development (she did left-wing political science Ph.D work at Purdue, ca. 1992 to 1998, before being hired by the SPLC in 1999).
The interview continues:
The truth is, Reagan did little to prevent California's demographic transformation while he was governor there, from 1967 to 1975 (see: "Who Lost California?"); in fact, he accelerated the demographic change. And, as far as the population's will goes, the 70-75% White California that elected Reagan governor, twice, voted Democrat Jerry Brown into office immediately thereafter - twice. Brown allowed the same immigration-surge ratio as Reagan and is actually California's governor once again now as I write, just as he has been for the last decade, after he decided to run for a third term following an initial hiatus. In other words: yesterday's white-majority California voted in the same guy that today's non-white majority chose. Once again, we have to wonder about Heidi's portrayal of the state as a seething, hard-right, right-wing racialist hotbed. Or, as one commentator remarked on UNZ:
This graph confirms the consistent growth of California's non-white demographic under Reagan and Democratic leadership. With that trend, between 1970 and 1990, the non-white population soared from 4.6 million to just under 13 million - nearly an 182% increase!
Now here is the thing: Heidi was born in 1967; looking at the window of time that she was growing up in and observing what was going on in California, +/-20 years, we see it matches up almost exactly with the time frame of that 182% increase. Because the Black population did not grow but a small uptick in this same time span, we can conclude that the overwhelming majority of this growth was due to migrants flooding across the southern border. And, taking into account where Heidi was - in the Southern California - and the fact that everything north of Los Angeles Country did not absorb but a fraction of this initial flood - it is clear what Reagan allowed, Republican California permitted and what happened to the community Heidi lived in. If you are looking for a nice summarization: yesterday's White-Majority, Republican-voting California created today's Non-White-Majority, permanently Democrat-run California.
V. Conclusion about Heidi:
We have sewn up a few ends, but the portrait of Heidi Beirich still feels incomplete. There is the rather-questionable assertion that she was frightened by the “skinhead” movement of the 1980s, so much so that she became who she is today. She claims to have seen acquaintances get involved in the Metzger group, kill some random Ethiopian and this led her, in righteous indignation, to the left, and she ended up in a career with a left-wing inquisitor group for over two decades.
I cannot be alone in thinking that there is more to her story. Unfortunately, I don’t know Beirich enough to uncover more clues - that is, I have never met her or those who know her personally, and I can only see her through her quasi-public persona (as a “domestic left-wing political commissar” as it were):
Surely, those formative years in Southern California, when the state was fast losing its White-Christian supermajority, could have been fertile ground for politicization. Beirich may have had a knee-jerk reaction from her contact with angry, reactionary Whites who were drowning in a sea of Reaganite and Democrat-fed immigration and pushing back hard. That may have scared her off - to Berkeley, which, as far as hotbeds go, is a hotbed for leftist ideas. In fact, it was one of the first universities of its kind in that respect. Then again, it is also possible that Berkeley was just the in-state choice, like any other. Still another theory is that the rapidly-developing political conditions in Southern California reacted with something in her personality to produce a kind of Stockholm Syndrome, by which she psychologically dove into the ascendant side.
But perhaps Beirich's real political development does not even begin with the California cauldron; on this subject, we look to Heidi's background as the daughter of a post-war German immigrant. Some might assume that Heidi was Jewish; after all, her parents had lived through a tumultuous time in Europe, and many Jews had fled for America during it. What is more, Heidi ended up working with the SPLC, a Jewish-led organization that claims to take interest in the affairs of Jews. But Heidi appears to have no Jewish ancestry.
Some have suggested that Heidi, as an immigrant child, may have had a knee-jerk reaction to certain ideas about the danger of mass immigration into California, thus driving her into the arms of the left. This is possible, but taking a closer look at our subject, we see an immigrant child with an ultra-German name, who was born in 1960s America to a native-German mother (who at the very least, probably spoke with a German accent). Was Heidi teased because of of her name, especially in view of the post-World War II climate? Was she called something like "Nazi girl"?
Perhaps the bigger issue is how Heidi saw herself. On the one hand, her thoughts about who she was may have been influenced by what her parents told her. Heidi's mother probably lived her early childhood in Hitler's Germany and was put through an intense regiment of denazification immediately thereafter, in the late 1940s. Here, we speak of the psychological conditioning of a defeated and occupied people, whose country had been cut in several pieces, as millions lost everything and became refugees in their own land; a people amidst ruins, in cities without roofs, food or even electric, dying of starvation in the wintry cold. Most importantly, Heidi's mother would have been told to blame herself for all this - and, learned that she was responsible for the suffering of others as well, even if she was not at an age of mindfulness during the war:
Did Heidi's mother reject the indoctrination? Did she internalize it and pass it down to her daughter? To know for sure, it would be helpful to talk to Heidi (or to simply have Heidi's mother's birthdate to better understand what Heidi's mother could have been exposed to as a German). It would also be useful to know what the situation was like exactly where Heidi's mother happened to be in Germany, and when. But, even without these details - or even without Heidi's parents as an influence - young Heidi could have very well been shaped by her discovery, through her interest in social studies, of the same religious-cult-tier indoctrination on the evils of Germany/Germans specifically, and against nationalistic feelings generally, which she internalized. Ergo, there could be a ‘blowback’ to the late-1940s U.S. policy of intense denazification and the enthusiastic promotion of any and all atrocity claims during the Nazi era in Germany, substantiated or otherwise, to achieve that policy aim. Within Heidi's subconscious, the effects of those politics may have become weaponized.
VI. The Heidi archetype:
While digging for post-war and even pre-war voting records where Heidi's mother's was - to find clues to better understand the psychology that she may have passed on - I came upon the results of the latest German Federal Election, the 2017 Bundestagswahl. In that election, Beirich’s mother’s hometown lies in the voting district of “Bundestagswahlkreis Duisburg I” which had 168,000 voters on the rolls that year. The district historically votes Social Democrat (SPD) with a strong competing CDU base. But the SPD-CDU duopoloy has lost ground over the years, specifically on the heels of the 2015 Refugee Crisis.
In Sept. 2017, “Duisburg I” re-elected a woman named Bärbel Bas (SPD) to represent them in the Bundestag. Frau Bas (born May 1968) is about the same age as Heidi Beirich (born July 1967).
Interestingly, a glance at Bas’ biography shows she and Beirich have led somewhat parallel, political lives even if across oceans, except that Beirich is a more extreme and activist version of the same archetype. Frau Bas was involved in local politics in her area, as a leftist, beginning about 1990; Beirich was doing her Ph.D on a politically-left topic in the 1990s, before linking up with the SPLC in 1999; Bas describes on her website that she was one of six children but herself has none, though she is married; Beirich is unmarried and no children. So the n=2 final fertility rate for these daughters of the Ruhrgebiet is zero point zero.
The other point is that, just like in the United States, and with the SPLC-linked center, center-to-left-center parties like Bas' SPD and the CDU are very much in bed with the ethno-replacement lobby. Looking at the 2017 results for 'Duisberg I', we see:
58% of the vote was for ‘The Establishment’ (the so-called Volksparteien (people's parties), a term that may soon be retired as the two combined are now polling well below 50%); SPD (Social Democratic Party), 32%; CDU (Christian Democratic Union), 26%.
17% of the vote was for Leftist and strongly pro-Ethnoreplacement parties Die Linke, 9% (partial descendants of the East German regime party); Greens, 6.6%; Allianz Deutscher Demokraten, 1.3% (Turko-Islamic party); Old-line Marxists (the Marxist-Leninist Party of Germany; the “Socialist Unity Party of the 4th International;” and the DKP [Detsche Kommunistiche Partei]), sum 0.3%.
22% of the vote for Rightist (of various kinds), Nationalist, and anti-Ethnoreplacement parties [+11% gain since 2013]; AfD (Alternative für Deutschland) 11%; FDP (Free Democratic Party) 10% (note: this party actually sits approximately between the ‘Establishment’ and ‘Right-Wing,’ but derailed the then-forming government in 2017, in protest against a Green and Merkelite drive for more Islamic asylum seekers); minor, vaguely populist parties (NPD, Volksabstimmung, Freie Wähler, ÖDP, Deutsche Mitte 1%.
Other parties: 3% (mainly single-issue and oddball parties like the Animal Protection Party and the party whose only platform item is Universal Basic Income; also joke parties like the Pirate Party); a total of 1.7% of votes cast were ‘spoiled ballots,’ many of which were probably spoiled in protest.
Komm zu uns, Heidi.
Come home.
So, who is she?
In 2016, Heidi Beirich was somewhat of a political commissar, drawing a comfortable annual salary of $150,000 (according to IRS filing, plus a further $21,000 in fringe benefits) from the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC). More recently, the organization gave Beirich the ax, ending her 22-year career there.
Perhaps, unmarried and barren at 52 years of age, Beirich will now quietly attempt to write a book and slip into an early retirement - alone. But perhaps Beirich is also thinking about her life, career, and the overall situation in California. You see, Beirich spent nearly half her life in the state, including her childhood and adolescent years, and once let on that her experiences there shaped her political coming-of-age. But the California she remembers has long since evaporated - and, at least while she was in the driver's seat at the SPLC, that has partly been her own doing.
What were Heidi's motivations in her complicity? And why did she join the SPLC in the first place? The following looks for answers, examining Beirich's background, including her rise and fall at the organization, and attempts to draw a clearer picture of Beirich as a living, breathing relic of an era - and perhaps as a liar. The examination is broken into six parts.
-- Special thanks to our guest 'Hail'
for his research and writing contribution --
for his research and writing contribution --
I. Introduction:
To date, very little has been said about Heidi Beirich or her background, in spite of her high position of influence. The Center for Immigration Studies did a profile on her in 2018, but nothing was said about Beirich's family origins or upbringing.
II. Parents:
Heidi's father was Russell Beirich (1933-2013), a man of ethnic German, Catholic origin who was raised in Kansas and Denver. He graduated from Regis Jesuit High School, Denver, in 1951; two of his four grandparents, and all eight of his great-grandparents, were born in Germany, and emigrated to the American Midwest in the late 19th century; Russell’s father was listed on the 1930 census as a clerk at a wholesale grocery store in Colby, Kansas. (Interestingly, the town accounts for most of the 97% white Thomas County, which went 81-13 for Trump instead of Hillary in 2016, the best Republican result there, ever).
Heidi’s mother Evelyn, born Paschmann, was a native of Kaldenhausen, Germany (Ruhr area). Kaldenhausen (now merged into the Rumeln-Kaldenhausen district of Duisburg) may have historically been as high as 75-25 Protestant-Catholic (per 1861 census), with a historically-stronger Calvinist tradition than most of Germany. Evelyn’s hometown was down to 55-45 Protestant-Catholic by the mid-20th century, presumably due to Polish and other labor migration to the ‘Ruhrpott’ that had occurred since (later, we will touch on how her hometown voted in the 2017 German national election).
III. Basic biographical timeline (you will see why later):
1961: Heidi’s parents marry, after having “met on a train in Belgium while [her father] was serving in the U.S. Army” and set up their married life in Palm Springs, Riverside, California, where they lived thereafter for twenty years, before moving to San Diego;
1967Heidi was born in July in Palm Springs, California (younger brother follows, b.1971); Heidi’s father was working at an accounting firm at this time, eventually becoming Senior Partner, and was active in local politics in the 1970s until (apparently) moving south to San Diego about 1982;
1981-82 academic year: As a freshman at Palm Springs High School, Heidi wins the “ninth grade departmental prize for excellence in social studies” (Desert Sun, 3 July 1982), an early indication of what was to come; the family moves to Vista, San Diego County, probably right after Heidi completed ninth grade in Palm Springs;
1985: Heidi graduates from Vista High School, San Diego, California;
1989: Heidi graduates with BA, Berkeley, Developmental Studies;
1991: Heidi graduates with MA, University of California at Riverside, Economics;
1998: Heidi graduates with PhD, Purdue University, Political Science, after having written a dissertation that dealt with “white nationalism and neo-fascism.” In a 2017 ABC interview, the interviewer calls the degree a “PhD in Fascism”;
1999: Heidi starts at the SPLC as an intern for the Intelligence Report, full control of which she inherited in Jan. 2012;
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| Heidi, circa 2000s |
2000s and 2010s: Heidi is frequently at work behind the scenes attempting to ‘deplatform’ political opponents and/or get them fired, etc. Heidi Beirich thus transitions into a kind of political commissar, the kind of position the government cannot directly set up but to which it can effectively outsource; in her ‘commissar’ capacity she begins to frequently appear quoted in the media attacking conservatives, immigration restrictionists, Christian patriots, all kinds of nationalists (if they are white), and other right-winger oppositionists, enjoying defacto support for her activities from the state;
2008: Heidi publishes the book Neo-Confederacy: A Critical Introduction (as editor and author of several chapters);
2010s: Having risen in the SPLC ranks, Heidi begins to draw a highly comfortable salary of $150,000 (in fiscal 2016; according to IRS filing) with a further $21,000-worth of fringe benefits. This is more than fellow commissar Mark Potok ($138,000), but much less than Morris Dees ($358,000) had been making and even Richard Cohen ($351,000);
2019: Fired from the SPLC under unclear circumstances. Unmarried, no children, age 52.
IV. Heidi's account of her childhood in Southern California (spoiler - it's American History X-tier)
According to the data, Beirich was born and raised in Riverside County, California; then northern San Diego County, from around 1982 to mid-1985; after that, she was, at least when the semester was on, away attending classes at Berkeley. In Beirich’s telling of her own story, the years she spent in San Diego County (specifically, in Vista, California) were critical to her political development. Here is a present-day street-view image of the location:
Here is Beirich in her own words, during an ABC News interview for a program called “Uncomfortable,” May 16, 2017 (The interviewer is Amna Nawaz, of Pakistani origin):
I’ve transcribed the relevant portion of the interview (1:30-3:15):
Interviewer: I’m curious about you - How someone comes to work in ‘Hate.’ Tell me about you.We see that Heidi Beirich, in front of the interviewer, characterizes Tom Metzger’s group in the 1980s as a critical point in her political development. This is a useful datapoint, but the caveat should always be that autobiography is often self-serving; I don’t doubt that Metzger’s racialist-nationalist group was of some kind of importance to her then-forming political consciousness as a teenager. But after checking the claim, I find at least one glaring problem: Heidi’s timeline on her political awakening is off.
Heidi Beirich: Well, it was a bit of a round-about thing [laughs]. So I was in graduate school getting my PhD at Purdue University. I was studying Fascism in Europe. I was actually studying Spain, specifically. I knew about the Southern Poverty Law Center because when I was growing up, when I was in high school, at Vista High School in the Eighties, one of my friends was actually the son of the head of the White Aryan Resistance, at the time.
Interviewer: Really!
Heidi Beirich: Yeah, the guy’s name is Tom Metzger. Not the son, but the father.
Interviewer: And where were you growing up?
Heidi Beirich: It’s northern San Diego County. Vista, California. Tom Metzger was sued by the Southern Poverty Law Center. His organization was sued, frankly, out of existence. Some of its members, skinheads, were involved in the beating death of an Ethiopian immigrant in Portland. So when I was in high school, this lawsuit was going on, and I knew -
Interviewer: This was your friend’s father -
Heidi Beirich: My friend’s father, John Metzger, who went to a different high school but I would run into him on swim team and other situations.
Interviewer: Wow.
Heidi Beirich: So I was very, very cognizant of the SPLC from a young age. I also had friends, when I was at Vista High School, who got sucked into White Aryan Resistance’s skinhead movement. …So I…knew people who became racist skinheads connected with Metzger.
She tells the interviewer, “[W]hen I was in high school, this lawsuit was going on,” referring to the SPLC’s lawsuit over the murder of an Ethiopian immigrant. She may be misremembering this, or is confusing it with something else, because the murder she references happened in November 1988, by which time Heidi (b.1967) was in her final academic year at Berkeley. The SPLC then filed the suit against Metzger in November 1989 (the day before Thanksgiving, in fact), and the trial started (and ended) in October 1990. At that time, Beirich was a year away from graduating with her MA in Riverside, California, so she could not have been a high school student. In fact, Beirich graduated from high school nearly five years earlier, in June 1985, so the story does not check out.
It is worth noting that, as Beirich mixes up her own political-awakening timeline, she becomes, in the anecdote, a frightened teenager and thus sympathetic, rather than the early-mid 20s grown woman that she was - a graduate of an elite college, and then-enrolled in a Master’s program. This was either a case of misremembering, or a deliberate attempt to ‘retcon’ the story, with the hope that no one checks on the specifics. Or a mix of both.
I would also highlight the fact that Beirich had decided, by about early 1989, to pursue an MA in Economics; we see from this choice (and to a lesser extent also in her choice of undergraduate major, Developmental Studies) that she was, for quite some time, very much conflicted on what she wanted to do: should she follow in her accountant father’s footsteps and be an empty-suit businesswoman with a desk job? There is no set lifetime political-activist trajectory until long after 1990, which was long after high school and the trial she mentions as her key point of development (she did left-wing political science Ph.D work at Purdue, ca. 1992 to 1998, before being hired by the SPLC in 1999).
The interview continues:
Heidi Beirich: There was very strong white nationalist and anti-government activism in the whole region [Southern California]. Orange County’s the next county to the north in California [above San Diego County]. That’s where the John Birch Society had a huge foothold in the Sixties and the Seventies. So, the whole region - which is soo [eyes bulge while emphasizing the word ‘so’] different today, right. It’s multi-ethnic, right, it’s not the same!I have tried to faithfully reproduce the stresses she puts on words, like the word ‘Reagan’ - which, in context, suggests that she seems to believe Reagan was a beyond-the-pale "radical". This is puzzling, but at the same time suggests another deliberate line of left-wing partisanship - particularly, the narrative where everything right of today's DNC is extreme and Reagan, and those who supported him, were and continue to be off-the-charts radicals, which is something California was guilty of then and current fans of him are guilty of now.
Interviewer: Right.
Heidi Beirich: The whole region had some very extremist politics infecting it. In fact, [laughs], my high school history teacher was like somebody out of Dr. Strangelove. He was a rabid anti-communist. Didn’t think Reagan was radical enough. So there was a lot of this going on in the area.
The truth is, Reagan did little to prevent California's demographic transformation while he was governor there, from 1967 to 1975 (see: "Who Lost California?"); in fact, he accelerated the demographic change. And, as far as the population's will goes, the 70-75% White California that elected Reagan governor, twice, voted Democrat Jerry Brown into office immediately thereafter - twice. Brown allowed the same immigration-surge ratio as Reagan and is actually California's governor once again now as I write, just as he has been for the last decade, after he decided to run for a third term following an initial hiatus. In other words: yesterday's white-majority California voted in the same guy that today's non-white majority chose. Once again, we have to wonder about Heidi's portrayal of the state as a seething, hard-right, right-wing racialist hotbed. Or, as one commentator remarked on UNZ:
"She’s lying. By 1980 Orange and San Diego county were turning left for various reasons. Conservatism [was] on its way out by the time she was in high school. And since 1958 every high school history book in California public high schools was full of McCarthy was a Nazi persecutor of liberals and anti free speech, the Hollywood Ten Martyrs, Roosevelt was a combination of fairy godmother and Jesus, evil isolationist Lindbergh and others in the 1930s, the holy crusade against evil Nazis evil southerners lynching blacks […] the entire liberal brainwashing of the public schools."Here is a graph I made using census data to show the White population’s relative and absolute decline during the period in question:
This graph confirms the consistent growth of California's non-white demographic under Reagan and Democratic leadership. With that trend, between 1970 and 1990, the non-white population soared from 4.6 million to just under 13 million - nearly an 182% increase!
Now here is the thing: Heidi was born in 1967; looking at the window of time that she was growing up in and observing what was going on in California, +/-20 years, we see it matches up almost exactly with the time frame of that 182% increase. Because the Black population did not grow but a small uptick in this same time span, we can conclude that the overwhelming majority of this growth was due to migrants flooding across the southern border. And, taking into account where Heidi was - in the Southern California - and the fact that everything north of Los Angeles Country did not absorb but a fraction of this initial flood - it is clear what Reagan allowed, Republican California permitted and what happened to the community Heidi lived in. If you are looking for a nice summarization: yesterday's White-Majority, Republican-voting California created today's Non-White-Majority, permanently Democrat-run California.
V. Conclusion about Heidi:
We have sewn up a few ends, but the portrait of Heidi Beirich still feels incomplete. There is the rather-questionable assertion that she was frightened by the “skinhead” movement of the 1980s, so much so that she became who she is today. She claims to have seen acquaintances get involved in the Metzger group, kill some random Ethiopian and this led her, in righteous indignation, to the left, and she ended up in a career with a left-wing inquisitor group for over two decades.
I cannot be alone in thinking that there is more to her story. Unfortunately, I don’t know Beirich enough to uncover more clues - that is, I have never met her or those who know her personally, and I can only see her through her quasi-public persona (as a “domestic left-wing political commissar” as it were):
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| Heidi Beirich (SPLC), Jason Johnson (Politics Editor for The Root) appear as guests on Ari Naftali Melber (right)’s MSNBC talk show The Beat, Aug. 5, 2019. |
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| Heidi Beirich, at an Oct. 2018 event hosted by the Center for American Progress,a left-wing think tank founded and run by John Podesta until Dec. 2013. Aired on CSPAN. |
But perhaps Beirich's real political development does not even begin with the California cauldron; on this subject, we look to Heidi's background as the daughter of a post-war German immigrant. Some might assume that Heidi was Jewish; after all, her parents had lived through a tumultuous time in Europe, and many Jews had fled for America during it. What is more, Heidi ended up working with the SPLC, a Jewish-led organization that claims to take interest in the affairs of Jews. But Heidi appears to have no Jewish ancestry.
Some have suggested that Heidi, as an immigrant child, may have had a knee-jerk reaction to certain ideas about the danger of mass immigration into California, thus driving her into the arms of the left. This is possible, but taking a closer look at our subject, we see an immigrant child with an ultra-German name, who was born in 1960s America to a native-German mother (who at the very least, probably spoke with a German accent). Was Heidi teased because of of her name, especially in view of the post-World War II climate? Was she called something like "Nazi girl"?
Perhaps the bigger issue is how Heidi saw herself. On the one hand, her thoughts about who she was may have been influenced by what her parents told her. Heidi's mother probably lived her early childhood in Hitler's Germany and was put through an intense regiment of denazification immediately thereafter, in the late 1940s. Here, we speak of the psychological conditioning of a defeated and occupied people, whose country had been cut in several pieces, as millions lost everything and became refugees in their own land; a people amidst ruins, in cities without roofs, food or even electric, dying of starvation in the wintry cold. Most importantly, Heidi's mother would have been told to blame herself for all this - and, learned that she was responsible for the suffering of others as well, even if she was not at an age of mindfulness during the war:
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| “Diese Schandtaten: Eure Schuld!” (These Disgraceful Acts: Your Fault!) . Leaflets distributed to civilians in occupied Germany, depicting people purportedly killed by the Nazis. The leaflets were distributed as part of the U.S. policy of aggressive 'denazification'. |
Did Heidi's mother reject the indoctrination? Did she internalize it and pass it down to her daughter? To know for sure, it would be helpful to talk to Heidi (or to simply have Heidi's mother's birthdate to better understand what Heidi's mother could have been exposed to as a German). It would also be useful to know what the situation was like exactly where Heidi's mother happened to be in Germany, and when. But, even without these details - or even without Heidi's parents as an influence - young Heidi could have very well been shaped by her discovery, through her interest in social studies, of the same religious-cult-tier indoctrination on the evils of Germany/Germans specifically, and against nationalistic feelings generally, which she internalized. Ergo, there could be a ‘blowback’ to the late-1940s U.S. policy of intense denazification and the enthusiastic promotion of any and all atrocity claims during the Nazi era in Germany, substantiated or otherwise, to achieve that policy aim. Within Heidi's subconscious, the effects of those politics may have become weaponized.
VI. The Heidi archetype:
While digging for post-war and even pre-war voting records where Heidi's mother's was - to find clues to better understand the psychology that she may have passed on - I came upon the results of the latest German Federal Election, the 2017 Bundestagswahl. In that election, Beirich’s mother’s hometown lies in the voting district of “Bundestagswahlkreis Duisburg I” which had 168,000 voters on the rolls that year. The district historically votes Social Democrat (SPD) with a strong competing CDU base. But the SPD-CDU duopoloy has lost ground over the years, specifically on the heels of the 2015 Refugee Crisis.
In Sept. 2017, “Duisburg I” re-elected a woman named Bärbel Bas (SPD) to represent them in the Bundestag. Frau Bas (born May 1968) is about the same age as Heidi Beirich (born July 1967).
Interestingly, a glance at Bas’ biography shows she and Beirich have led somewhat parallel, political lives even if across oceans, except that Beirich is a more extreme and activist version of the same archetype. Frau Bas was involved in local politics in her area, as a leftist, beginning about 1990; Beirich was doing her Ph.D on a politically-left topic in the 1990s, before linking up with the SPLC in 1999; Bas describes on her website that she was one of six children but herself has none, though she is married; Beirich is unmarried and no children. So the n=2 final fertility rate for these daughters of the Ruhrgebiet is zero point zero.
The other point is that, just like in the United States, and with the SPLC-linked center, center-to-left-center parties like Bas' SPD and the CDU are very much in bed with the ethno-replacement lobby. Looking at the 2017 results for 'Duisberg I', we see:
58% of the vote was for ‘The Establishment’ (the so-called Volksparteien (people's parties), a term that may soon be retired as the two combined are now polling well below 50%); SPD (Social Democratic Party), 32%; CDU (Christian Democratic Union), 26%.
17% of the vote was for Leftist and strongly pro-Ethnoreplacement parties Die Linke, 9% (partial descendants of the East German regime party); Greens, 6.6%; Allianz Deutscher Demokraten, 1.3% (Turko-Islamic party); Old-line Marxists (the Marxist-Leninist Party of Germany; the “Socialist Unity Party of the 4th International;” and the DKP [Detsche Kommunistiche Partei]), sum 0.3%.
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22% of the vote for Rightist (of various kinds), Nationalist, and anti-Ethnoreplacement parties [+11% gain since 2013]; AfD (Alternative für Deutschland) 11%; FDP (Free Democratic Party) 10% (note: this party actually sits approximately between the ‘Establishment’ and ‘Right-Wing,’ but derailed the then-forming government in 2017, in protest against a Green and Merkelite drive for more Islamic asylum seekers); minor, vaguely populist parties (NPD, Volksabstimmung, Freie Wähler, ÖDP, Deutsche Mitte 1%.
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| “Merkel Must Go” — Germans protest against Angela Merkel over the migrant crisis, 2016, ahead of shift to the AfD |
One can guess which category, above, Beirich would gravitate towards, if she were back in the ancestral Heimat.
VII. Concluding remarks:
VII. Concluding remarks:
Will Heidi publish her book? American political writer Lawrence Auster once had an exchange with Heidi Beirich while she was moving up the ranks at the SPLC. In response to the conversation, one of Auster’s readers suggested the following:
I can see it now:
Western Civilization: Extremism for 3500 Years
- by Heidi Beirich, PhD
- Forthcoming: Jan. 20, 2021
- Dedicated to the memory of Dr. Noel Ignatiev (“Abolish the White Race”)
Or maybe she will change her mind, and feel remorse.If a pocket of Western people who want to see their own survive as a culture and as a nation qualifies as extremism, what could possibly be mainstream? What is normal to a person like [Heidi]? Perhaps she could write a book entitled “Western Civilization: 3500 Years of Extremism.”Now, in light of her apparent purge from the SPLC, Heidi may finally have the time to get that book written and published.
I pray that Ms. Beirich lives to see her revolution annihilated; its fields razed, its cattle and flocks taken, and its city walls smashed.
I can see it now:
Western Civilization: Extremism for 3500 Years
- Forthcoming: Jan. 20, 2021
- Dedicated to the memory of Dr. Noel Ignatiev (“Abolish the White Race”)
Komm zu uns, Heidi.
Come home.
